I Am Not Sure What This Means

The Pope is in the picture. Telling our great president Noynoy to keep quiet because he is pointing at cartoon character Nancy?




ABS CBN And Inquirer Are GREAT Sources Of Information

Anybody that extols the virtues of our public officials and our candidates does the Liberals a favor and as a result is helping this country. So ignore that senile old man who is claiming that they are “bastos”. They serve the Liberal party well so that means they serve ALL Filipinos well. Plus they are also never critical of Senator Trillanes.


Are the Inquirer and ABS-CBN fulfilling their duty to ‘inform’ Filipinos?



Perhaps Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte was out of line cussing at “news” media organizations  Inquirer.net and ABS-CBN News. But then his assertions about the instances where he alleges he had been slandered by these media outlets need to be addressed. One such case surrounds reports published during his campaign that he had ₱211 million stashed away in a bank.

The Inquirer fielded dozens of “news reports” on Duterte’s alleged “hidden wealth” kept in an account with the Bank of the Philippine Islands (BPI). But up to the very last “report”, much of the sources of these “exposés” trace their origins to the originator of this rumour, convicted-then-pardoned mutineer “senator” Antonio Trillanes IV. There was no actual “investigative journalism” conducted by the Inquirer throughout this vilification campaign — only sloppy “journalism” hinged on a single source: the hearsay information of “senator” Axe-To-Grind Trillanes.

Indeed, once confidence in its financial integrity is threatened, a bank eventually looks out for Number One. After keeping mum through much of the Inquirer-led sensationalisation of Trillanes’s accusations, BPI Managing Director Jose Teodoro Limcaoco issued a statement on the 29th April 2016 denying the authenticity of content used by the Inquirer in these “reports”…

“I don’t know where Sen. Trillanes got his information, but the graphic posted by the [Philippine Daily] Inquirer showing alleged credits, that is not a BPI document,” Limcaoco, who used to serve as the president of BPI Family Savings Bank, said in a mobile phone reply.

Limcaoco’s statements distancing his employer from this circus came following growing threats of a bank run against BPI instigated by Filipinos angered over the possibility that BPI had conspired with Trillanes and the Inquirer to flout the Philippines’ bank secrecy laws.

Nonetheless, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) today issued an equally scathing response to Duterte describing his words as a “rant” that is “incoherent and foulmouthed” and ones that were ” absolutely twisted.” NUJP Secretary General Dabet Panelo went further to assert in his statement…

“Sir, your curses and your threats cannot and will not prevent us, the community of independent Filipino journalists, from fulfilling our duty to inform the people as best we can of what is happening to our country, whether you agree with what we report or not,” he said.

Unfortunately for the NUJP, its statement falls short of actually addressing the core origins not only of Duterte’s rant but the overall distrust Filipinos have developed for the business of “news reporting” mainstream corporate media and its cadre of traditional journalists engage in. Indeed, nowhere in the statement issued by the NUJP were any of Duterte’s grievances, such as that of the sloppy reporting mounted by the Inquirer around the Trillanes’s BPI “exposé”, addressed.

So are the Inquirer and ABS-CBN News teams actually fulfilling their “duty” to “inform the people” as the NUJP asserts?

The answer to that had increasingly become debatable over the last 30 years. Both news organisations, after all, owe their existence and ascent to the heights of profitability they enjoy today to their symbiotic existence with the Aquino-Cojuangco clan and the Roman Catholic Church. Filipinos have since seen through the subtle hijacking of the “EDSA people power revolution” narrative by this industrial-politico-religious trinity of oligarchs and the direct role the Inquirer and ABS-CBN had played in turning Filipinos into docile indoctrinated minions of an ideology that has come to be called “The Cult of Yellow”.

What seems to be happening in Philippine society today is a mass public unplugging from the “matrix” of delusion manufactured by the Inquirer and ABS-CBN and piped into Filipinos’ screens for three decades. Backdropped by that reality, the NUJP’s response to Duterte and the trite assurances of uprightness and righteousness issued by these mainstream media outfits are severely wanting in credibility.

The Only Fact You Need To Know Is Leni Should Be President






New York Times’ cheap shot at PH is really cheap


First read
AS a former newspaper editor, I am puzzled why the New York Times did not use its seasoned reporters and correspondents, and used instead contributors and pre-packaged materials to take part in the oust-Duterte conspiracy.

I am equally puzzled why Singapore has become such an international darling, when Lee Kuan Yew beat up and sued to submission the foreign press whenever it criticized him and his government. The man even declared that in a democracy, the rich and educated should have the right to vote twice, while the poor and ignorant should vote only once.

These oddities are the themes of my column today.

No facts, no regulars in NYT reports
It is a clear sign of dishonesty and fakery in NYT’s campaign against President Duterte and the Philippines, that the paper implemented the scheme through contributors and irregular writers. Not one report was the work of a regular reporter or correspondent of the paper, who pounded the Philippine beat for weeks.

Over the past eight months, the following names—Felipe Villamor, Fred Whaley, Daniel Berhulak, Richard Paddock and Vergel Santos—graced the bylines of critical stories on the Filipino President and the ongoing war on drugs. Berhulak bylined the text and photos of NYT’s December 2016 feature, “They are slaughtering us like animals,” (New York Times, December 7, 2016). Paddock similarly bylined the text and photos of NYT’s most recent feature, “Becoming Duterte: The Making of a Philippine Strongman” (New York Times, March 21, 2017).

None of these names can say that they are regularly employed by the NYT, if their life depended on it. Some may have been paid a fee by the paper for their contribution. Most were published for free.

This could explain why the NYT stories are uniformly bereft of facts. If the paper was unwilling to post a reporter in the country to research and investigate, it follows that it would not employ either a fact checker or investigator who will hunt down facts to confirm its allegations.

Why did NYT embark on the information/demolition campaign against Duterte, when it was unwilling to use its resources to finance it?

The answer, I believe, is that the NYT was persuaded to join an oust–Duterte campaign, on the assurance that it would be supplied with stories and solid, verified information on alleged crimes, misdemeanors and abuses of Duterte and his administration. The paper was very likely wooed by anti-Duterte political groups who seek to bring down the Duterte government. The paper was titillated by the prospect of interviewing real-life killers Edgar Matobato and Arthur Lascañas. They thought they would be reporting at last on real life.

Singapore beats up the foreign press
In sharp contrast to the Philippines, Singapore has been lavished with praise by the foreign press, even while two prime minister Lees—father and son—enforced draconian controls on the press. They have sued to submission every foreign media organization that dared to criticize Singapore’s government.

Singapore’s press policy is the mirror of Lee Kuan Yew’s policy on the political opposition in the country. Singapore sued to bankruptcy every politician who dared to criticize the government and the Lee family. The accused go bankrupt while defending themselves in a Singaporean court.

Singapore devised ways to mold the domestic press, and to manage foreign reporters.

With respect to the foreign press, its policy is clearly stated: “Foreign media are in the country as a privilege, not a right. Second, they have no right to interfere in the country’s internal politics.”

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has explained the policy further: “Foreign newspapers have no right to circulate in Singapore….

“Singapore… does not object to foreign correspondents reporting about [the country]in any way they choose to foreign audiences, provided they get their facts right… Their ideological biases or political slants do not matter to us… But when foreign-based journals with significant circulations in Singapore start to report on Singapore for a Singapore audience, the Government has to take care. We do not want such foreign journals to take sides on domestic political issues… The foreign press has no part to play in what should be a purely domestic political process.”

Some media professors and journalists have disputed this seemingly forthright argument. Professor Yuen-Ying Chan, director of the Journalism and Media Studies Center at the University of Hong Kong, has written: “In general, we cannot transplant … American standards to this part of the world, given its different culture, given its history. You need to adapt international standards to local realities…. The basic principles of journalism, I believe, are universal. There’s one journalism. There’s good journalism and bad journalism.”

Another critic leveled this pointed comment at Lee Kuan Yew: “The question arises, why does someone like Lee Kuan Yew fear this kind of reporting?… I can’t answer that question for him, but one of the concerns I have is that it reflects a fear of his own people. A fear of how his own people will respond to critical views of him.”

Singapore has long circumscribed the operations of Western news organizations with legal restrictions and punitive measures, such as circulation caps and libel suits. The foreign media have learned to steer clear of certain hot topics like race and corruption, and to be careful about sourcing potentially sensitive stories.

On August 1, 1986, with only two votes opposing, Singapore’s parliament passed an amendment to the 1974 Newspaper and Printing Presses Act. The revised law, which went into effect in September, obliged any newspaper published outside of Singapore to obtain the “prior approval” of the Minister of Information and Communications to be imported, sold or distributed in Singapore. The law also gave the minister the right to “restrict sale or distribution” of any foreign publication found to be “engaging in the domestic politics of Singapore.” The minister needed to give no reason for this determination.

Western critics immediately noted that the law was discordant with Singapore’s aspiration to become Asia’s information hub. The new law came at a crucial point in Singapore’s economic development. Attracted by the country’s technological advancement and the strategic location of its port, foreign publications—like the Economist, the International Herald Tribune, Time, and many others—set up printing presses in Singapore and used the country as a base for their regional operations. In the fall of 1986, Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER), which relied heavily on Singapore’s domestic market, transferred 65 percent of its printing operations from Hong Kong to Singapore. FEER, owned by Dow Jones, published its final issue in December 2009.

There’s a cautionary tale of the FEER butting heads with Lee (father and son) over an article published in the magazine. Neither could let go of the argument. They both got exhausted.

Philippine policy of press freedom
In the Philippines, the government imposes no restrictions on the importation and sale of foreign publications in the country. It only demands that when they report or comment on events in the country, they should get the facts right. They must make an effort to check their facts and their sources.

President Duterte has argued with one or two foreign journalists at his press conferences. He may have also cursed some foreign publications, in the same way that he has cursed foreign governments and foreign leaders.

In the latest row with the New York Times over the paper‘s string of anti–Duterte reports and commentary, Presidential spokesman Ernesto Abella accused the American paper of complicity in a destabilization plot against the President.

There‘s no court action that the government can take against the paper, because the NYT is not circulated in the Philippines and does no business in the country.

Still, it could take action against the Times in the international community by exposing and documenting the paper‘s misguided and biased policy against President Duterte and the country. It could try to prove that a newspaper cannot only be biased and wrong, it can be harmful.



Losers Deserve To Have Their Side Heard

Leni only cares about serving her country. The word betrayal is not in her dictionary.

Why Do People Make Fun Of Noynoy Spending Time With Josh?

What is written below is an absolute lie!!! Noynoy was so focused on Daang Matawid that all he did was work.

Noynoy Generals Josh.jpg

Nadinig ko yan kahapon sa “Especial na Balita” ni Deo Macalma sa DZRH AM morning show nya.

Kaya lang, ang pinagka iba, ispoken in english si Josh sa kwento ni Macalma.

“I beat Tito Noy!!!”

Too weird to be 100% true.

Baka naman may konting halo nang dagdag yan, kasi napapansin ko, napipikon at nadidismaya na din yung Malacanan Press Corps sa daily work schedule at sa tardiness at sa kawalan ng PR at charisma ni President Noy at ang Communications group nya sa mga press.

Medyo ridiculed na nga nung DZRH Malacanan reporter yung walang katorya-toryang beat nya ngayong administration na ito. Di lang garapalang sinasabi pero halata.

Parang halos wala silang kino-cover everyday. Mas madalas pa daw ang sosyalan.


Noynoy Generals Josh 2


Generals also serve who only stand, wait
POSTSCRIPT By Federico D. Pascual Jr. (The Philippine Star) Updated January 20,

WAITING GAME: What’s happening to the country, general? Waiting, it seems — if this story told us by a military type is true.

Last Jan. 11 daw, 13 newly promoted generals cooled their heels at the Bahay Pangarap, the presidential residence across the river from Malacañang, waiting for the Commander-in-Chief to administer their oaths.

They had been waiting for almost two hours when a jubilant Joshua reportedly emerged from a room shouting “Natalo ko rin siya!” followed shortly by his uncle the President.

The oath-taking that followed took no more than 30 seconds. Most senior in the pack was Lt. Gen. Juancho M. Sabban, Western Command chief. The rest were brigadier and major generals. Also present were the major service commanders and the armed forces chief of staff.

But She Loves Leni

I do not in any way shape or form endorse bombing anybody. Yet I admit I have a soft spot for anybody who goes pedal to the metal defense of Leni. Go Go Leni!!! Reduce your critics to pieces not with bombs but with your wisdom, courage and good sense!!! 





The crimes of Lyn Ouvrier, a certified Leni troll


LYN Ouvrier threatened to bomb the Luneta on April 2, and swore to plot the assassination of President Rodrigo Duterte in the event that the impeachment complaint against him does not prosper. She thought she could get away with this.

She is dead wrong.

Lyn Ouvrier is not her true name. It is an alias that she uses as she inflicts her vitriol on Duterte supporters.

Lyn is also a certified Leni troll. In fact, she is even willing to commit a crime in her name. After all, only a loyal and committed follower would publicly state this in Facebook: “We are going to plant bombs at the Luneta Park on April 2nd, 2017 in order to protect the Vice President and disrupt the rally to be organized by fanatics of Duterte.”

It is strange that she can label supporters of the President as fanatics, without thinking that only fanatics would plant bombs in a rally to protect a public figure. In fact, people who would do so are not just fanatics, but are also terrorists.

That post of Lyn became viral. It elicited severe condemnation from netizens, more so from the pro-Duterte side of social media. There was a widespread call to report this to the authorities. Lyn’s account suddenly was deactivated, although it is not certain if Facebook suspended it, or if she deactivated it herself. But her crime, considering that making bomb threats is a crime, became public knowledge, as it was already screen-captured and shared.

But Lyn would not just quietly sit this one out. She re-emerged to issue a threat to social media personalities, which included myself, and informed us that she already reported to the PNP our names whom she accuses of maligning her when we shared in Facebook her posted criminal intent. She alleged that her account was cloned, which is the usual excuse by trolls the moment they are caught committing criminally liable acts in social media.

And Lyn Ouvrier, in defending herself and threatening us, has committed a serious gaffe.

She outed herself as the administrator of a notorious Facebook personality that goes by the name of Resbak Operatives, an anonymous opposition, pro-Leni Robredo account that has terrorized pro-Duterte accounts. Resbak Operatives was the one responsible for taking down the satirical account of Senyora Santibañez. They were also responsible for harassing a pro-Duterte OFW in a most despicable manner where even pictures of the children of the OFW were posted, and his family was threatened.

Lyn Ouvrier, the one who threatened to bomb Luneta in the name of Leni Robredo, is the administrator, hence the owner, of the Resbak Operatives Facebook account, the one who has committed serious acts of libel, cyber-bullying and harassment, again in the name of Leni Robredo.

She is the same Lyn who in another post had the audacity to declare that: “If our plan to impeach Duterte doesn’t work, we will plot an assassination attempt against him.”

Lyn Ouvrier tempted fate.

She placed herself against one of the most formidable social media army of activists that has emerged in the cyber-mediated political landscape.

And here, she has to contend with a determined group.

The rally on April 2, which she intended to bomb, is actually organized by these social media activists who meet not only in chat rooms and Facebook conversations, but in regular eye balls or actual encounters. It will be the first political rally in our country’s history that will be funded by money raised through social media-mediated mechanisms. In less than a week, the organizers used social media to solicit and raise over P2 million from Filipinos all over the world.

It is the same social media activism that galvanizes support for the President to make him become a front-running favorite in the ongoing voting for the top 100 influential persons sponsored by Time Magazine.


And it is this cyber-activism that fuels the current impeachment initiative against Lyn Ouvrier’s idol, Leni Robredo. Again, for the first time in the history of the republic, we will have an impeachment complaint that is led by social media activists and personalities, crowd sourcing evidence and support using Facebook and Twitter, and even e-mail.

You do not mess with this kind of cyber-political power.

It is this kind of dedicated and organic politics that dug into Lyn Ouvrier’s records, enabling netizens to get useful leads on who she really is. Ouvrier is French for “worker,” and this fact became a crucial lead. Her being the administrator of Resbak Operatives led some to her e-mail address, and her blogsite, which then led to identifying her name, her phone number, her address in Cavite, and even her hometown in Iloilo.

Ironically, the person using the alias of Lyn Ouvrier turned out to be a committed advocate for the environment.

That she is committed is beyond doubt, as she is even willing to plant bombs in a rally and plot to assassinate the President to protect Leni Robredo.

And this has made her a committed criminal.



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